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How Trump's Twitter Remarks Escalate Growing Crisis in Minneapolis

2020-05-29 16:31:02

President Trump issued a violent ultimatum to protesters in Minneapolis on Friday and inserted himself in a harshly divisive fashion into the growing crisis there, attacking the city’s Democratic mayor and raising the specter that the military could use armed force to suppress riots that erupted after the death of George Floyd, a black man, at the hands of a white police officer.

“I can’t stand back & watch this happen to a great American City, Minneapolis,” Mr. Trump said on Twitter. “A total lack of leadership. Either the very weak Radical Left Mayor, Jacob Frey, get his act together and bring the City under control, or I will send in the National Guard & get the job done right.”

Mr. Trump’s mix of threats and attacks, unfolding on Twitter through Friday morning, came despite the fact that Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota had already activated and deployed the National Guard in response to a request from local leaders.

Mr. Trump began talking about the unrest in Minneapolis around 1 cable news showed a police station engulfed in a fire set by protesters a short time earlier. The four city police officers involved in the death of Mr. Floyd were assigned to that station.

No charges have been filed in connection with Mr. Floyd’s death.

Mr. Trump, in his tweets, denigrated the protesters and issued demands in a situation that was already spiraling out of control.

In saying “when the looting starts, the shooting starts” Mr. Trump echoed a phrase coined by a Miami police chief in the 1960s about crackdowns on black neighborhoods during times of unrest. Walter Headley, the Miami police chief in 1967, warned that young black men who he called “hoodlums” had “taken advantage of the civil rights campaign,” and added, “We don’t mind being accused of police brutality.”

On Friday morning, the presumptive Democratic nominee for president, Joseph R. Biden Jr., condemned the president’s remarks and said he would speak more about the crisis in Minneapolis later in the day.

“I will not lift the president’s tweet,” the former vice president wrote. “I will not give him that amplification. But he is calling for violence against American citizens during a moment of pain for so many. I’m furious, and you should be too.”

When the video of Mr. Floyd lying on the ground under the police officer’s knee first circulated, Mr. Trump called it “shocking,” and at the White House on Thursday, the press secretary, Kayleigh McEnany, said the president was “very upset” seeing it.

But the protests in Minneapolis have recalled some of the worst scenes of unrest in response to police brutality in the treatment of black men over the last 30 years.

Mr. Trump’s hostility to black activists and his admiration of suppressive government force have been consistent features of his worldview for decades, stretching back even to a 1990 interview in which he spoke admiringly about the Chinese government’s crackdown on protesters in Tiananmen Square. (“That shows you the power of strength,” he told Playboy magazine.

The crisis in Minneapolis recalled scenes of police violence and civil unrest that scarred the 2016 presidential campaign, and that Mr. Trump seemed to use to his advantage in his contest with Hillary Clinton, his Democratic opponent.

A series of killings in the summer of 2016 — two incidents involving black men killed by police officers in Louisiana and Minnesota, and a mass shooting of police officers in Texas by a black gunman — set a bloody backdrop for Mr. Trump’s nominating convention and may have helped reinforce his law-and-order pledge to “make America safe again.”

Yet it was far from clear on Friday that Mr. Trump’s instinct for the mailed fist would offer him comparable political rewards in his re-election campaign.

Americans typically expect their president to be not just an enforcer but also a unifier and a healer, roles that Mr. Trump has repeatedly shown no interest in performing. His threat early Friday morning to have unruly protesters shot exemplified his preference for escalating conflict, often in violent terms, rather than easing it.

Should scenes of violence, rioting and arson continue to dominate television screens in the coming weeks, it could ultimately make Mr. Trump’s brute-force message more appealing to some of the white swing voters who embraced him reluctantly in the 2016 election.

But that, too, might carry a political price: Mr. Trump’s campaign has been making selective efforts to reach out to black voters, particularly young men, and it is difficult to see how that pursuit could have the desired effect if the president demonizes police protesters in harsh terms.

And as in other arenas of the 2020 campaign, Mr. Trump is confronting an elusive rival in Mr. Biden, who is one of only a few major figures left in the Democratic Party who can claim both a deep bond with black voters and a relatively conservative record on matters of law enforcement.

At a virtual fund-raiser on Thursday, Mr. Biden opened his remarks with a somber reflection on Mr. Floyd’s death, calling it a “brutal, brutal death.” He described the nation as struggling with “an open wound” and nodded to “an ingrained systemic cycle of racism and oppression” in America.

Progressive groups said that the protests and actions in the Minneapolis community should not be seen in isolation, but a culmination of sustained police aggression and systemic inequality — present long before Mr. Floyd’s death.

“This is a clear representation of a president who has always seen those stand up injustice as enemy combatants. And has been uninterested — at every turn — in the role of uniting people,” said Rashad Robinson, president of Color of Change, a racial justice organization.

Katie Glueck and Astead W. Herndon contributed reporting.


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